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    Issues relating to sovereignty, intervention and identity and human oytgoing have been central features of many conl icts that have Seejing place in the former USSR. In saryshwghan chapter dealing with the Russo-Georgian war ofBeat Kernen and Matthew Sussex Seekin three developments regarding how states might try to legitimate their decisions to womqn military force. In the conl ict over South Ossetia and Abkhazia, both Georgia and Russia attempted to manipulate the politics of identity in order to justify their self-proclaimed rights over the separatist regions. On the issue of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, Russia came to endorse a hybrid form of norm-entrepreneurship.

    This modiied Westphalian interpretations of sovereignty to focus on diaspora populations, and was tied to a human security rationale for intervention that invoked the doctrine of the Responsibility to Protect R2P. This approach, which the authors term adaptationalism, deliberately used normative arguments to pursue more pragmatic geostrategic objectives, and politically wedged the West between its norms and interests. Georgia, meanwhile, articulated a conventional Westphalian vision of sovereignty based on territory and non-interference. Yet given the myriad triggers for war present across the former USSR, one might realistically have expected much greater political violence in the region.

    The answer, he argues, can be found in the way that the post-Soviet security order has been mistakenly conceptualised, as well as domestic political trajectories Sedking by many former Soviet republics. Thus, grim predictions about resource wars, ethnic conl ict and Seejing failure have largely not eventuated Seeking an outgoing woman in saryshaghan a of war either focused too heavily on structural causes Seeking an outgoing woman in saryshaghan violence, or relied too much on seemingly analogous situations in Africa and former Yugoslavia. Moreover, Robinson argues, a preference for regime building rather than state building in Russia and the Central Asian nations has been a key factor in dampening the potential for war.

    Thus, it is precisely by holding back on statebuilding practices that would have alienated populations, fractured elites and led to increased social dislocation saryshaghaan regimes have been able to forestall conl ict. Even so, Robinson is not sanguine that this will endure, given that signiicant potential for crises remains unresolved. Whilst structural forces, Russian foreign policy, the behaviour of wwoman West, sqryshaghan and ethnicity have all been potent sources of conl ict in the former USSR, the issue of organised crime and corruption is also salient.

    As Leslie Holmes points out in Chapter 7, crime and corruption lourish in power vacuums as well as in notionally strong authoritarian states, and can be powerful factors leading to state failure or conl ict between groups. He demonstrates that globalisation as well as domestic political developments peculiar to the former USSR have been instrumental in facilitating the rise of organised criminal gangs, the pervasiveness of bribery amongst elite groups that include the security services, and the institutionalisation of corruption in Russia and other former republics of the USSR. The penultimate chapter in the volume turns to examine what, if anything, the conl icts in the former USSR tell us about the nature of war.

    Matt Killingsworth surveys past and present scholarship on war in order to address this question. And, by the same token, prescriptive efforts to prevent human suffering through the provision of human security, or regulate conduct through ideas about just war and laws of conl ict have made little impact on the international prestige of states participating in armed confrontation in the former USSR. Bringing together the i ndings of different chapters on great power relations, Russia and its neighbours, regional security and the various frozen conl icts that exist around the region, he examines a number of potential scenarios.

    Speciically, he argues that renewed Russian imperial conquest, great power war, or conl ict between major actors in the post-Soviet space is highly unlikely. However, based on the evidence presented in other chapters, he argues that renewed separatism and state failure, reignited frozen conl icts on Russian territory and in the Caucasus, not to mention resource wars, are altogether possible, if not already taking shape. This includes the re-establishment of much of the imperial political order that collapsed in Even though Russia did employ its greatly reduced military capabilities in the attempt 1 2 Obviously this statement does not apply to the twenty per cent of the population of the Russian Federation not composed of ethnic Russians.

    For earlier discussions of these issues see R. Palgrave Macmillan,pp. Kanet to play a role in those Soviet successor states challenged by internal conl ict often facilitated by clandestine Russian military interference ,3 the prospect of the Russian Federation rejoining the ranks of major global actors seemed remote. Even before Yeltsin and Foreign Minister Kozyrev had been forced to redei ne Russian foreign and security policy in a much more realistic and nationalist direction than they had done initially. University of Illinois Press, pp. For an excellent discussion of this shift in Russian policy toward the countries of the CIS, and the increasing use of economic and i nancial instruments of power, see B.

    Nygren, The rebuilding of greater Russia: Boris Yeltsin on Russian television, 14 February ; cited in S. General discussions of Russian foreign and security policy during the Yeltsin period, including the shift away from a Western-oriented policy, can be found in A. Macmillan Publishers, ; B. Lo, Russian foreign policy in the post-Soviet era: Palgrave Macmillan, ; P. Tauris, ; A. Russian support for secessionist activities, which had already begun while Kozyrev was foreign minister, provided Moscow with opportunities for regional inluence. Most importantly, Moscow had successfully reasserted its inluence over several other post-Soviet states.

    Westview,pp. The Johns Hopkins University Press,pp. The rapprochement, however, occurred only after continuing deterioration in relations with the United States that had culminated in early in the mutual expulsion of diplomats in Washington and Moscow. Routledge, ; and V. Kanet involvement to re-establish a Russian role. Second, it outlines the overall security objectives, both domestic and foreign, set by Putin at the outset of his administration inand how he and Medvedev have pursued them. The success of the economic and political reconstruction of Russia was, they argued, tied to joining the various clubs that constituted the capitalist world, and dependent upon Western economic and technological support for that reconstruction.

    Almost immediately, however, voices in Russia — even among democratic political forces — challenged the feasibility of such an approach. Alexei Arbatov provides two excellent reviews of the growing criticism of Russian policy and of the gradual shift that occurred during —6. Penn State University Press, p.

    Conflict in the Former USSR

    Second, at a time when the Russian military was in rapid decline, the military leadership sought a way to impose unity on the remnants of the collapsed union. Third, Russia needed the CIS as a way to preserve existing links saryshaghxn interrepublic cooperation, mainly Seeking an outgoing woman in saryshaghan the economic sphere. Finally, Russian military involvement in those conl icts was justiied by the desire to protect the interests of the ethnic Russians and the Russian-speaking population in the CIS. Johns Hopkins University Press,p.

    See Arbatov et al. Among the best of the many studies of the importance of the Russian diaspora in Russian politics see P. Kolstoe, Russians in the former Soviet republics Bloomington: Indiana University Press, ; and D. Laitin, Identity in formation: Cornell University Press, Kanet transfer of political authority from Yeltsin to Putin. In reality, it witnessed a diminishing base of collaborative activities.

    This occurred despite strong opposition from the United States. A number of high-level meetings between the two countries during and emphasised the saryshaghaj of US global hegemony and condemned NATO expansion, as well as the pressure NATO was womn to bear Horny girls in baramula Yugoslavia. By early George W. Moreover, an important part Seeking an outgoing woman in saryshaghan the improving relationship between the two countries was the growth of Saryshagham exports, especially of military equipment. Lynch, Seekiing peacekeeping strategies in the CIS sarysaghan, p. See also Jonson and Archer eds. Conley, Indo-Russian military and nuclear cooperation: For example, Russia opposed the use of largely US-initiated UN sanctions against Seeking an outgoing woman in saryshaghan number of countries viewed in Moscow as potential partners.

    Russia sought an end to sanctions against both Yugoslavia and Iraq. The issue that raised the most serious response in Moscow in this period was the eastward expansion of NATO and the incorporation of former Warsaw Pact allies into the Western security system. Once it became obvious that it had failed to forestall NATO expansion, Russia accepted reality and attempted to gain whatever it could out of that acceptance. In return, Russia was granted membership in an expanded Group of 8 G8. Kreutz, Russia in the Middle East: Kanet In fact, neither of these relationships really met Russian objectives. Moscow was excluded from full participation in those G8 meetings at which meaningful decisions concerning international i nancial matters were likely to occur.

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